Blumenthal, Party Hack

 

 Revisiting Kavanaugh v. Blumenthal

Before Judge Amy Barrett is called to answer possible objections to her nomination to the U.S. Supreme Court by President Donald Trump, it may be useful to revisit U.S. Senator Dick Blumenthal’s questioning of Judge Brett Kavanaugh.

During the Kavanaugh hearings, US Senator Dick Blumenthal warmly welcomed Christine Blasey Ford as follows, according to a transcript of the hearing testimony:  

BLUMENTHAL: Thanks, Mr. Chairman.

I want to join in thanking you for being here today. And just tell you I have found your testimony powerful, incredible [Blumenthal perhaps meant to say “credible”] and I believe you. You’re a teacher, correct?

FORD: Correct.

BLUMENTHAL: Well, you have given America an amazing teaching moment, and you may have other moments in the classroom, but you have inspired and you have enlightened America. You have inspired and given courage to women to come forward, as they have done to every one of our offices and many other public places. You have inspired and you have enlightened men in America to listen respectfully to women survivors, and men who have survived sexual attack, and that is a profound public service, regardless of what happens with this nomination. And so the teachers of America, the people of America should be really proud of what you have done.

Let me tell you why I believe you: not only because of the prior consistent statements and the polygraph tests and your request for an FBI investigation and your urging that this committee hear from other witnesses who could corroborate or dispute your story, but also, you have been very honest about what you cannot remember. And someone composing a story can make it all come together in a seamless way, but someone who is honest — I speak from my experience as a prosecutor, as well — is also candid about what she or he cannot remember.

Q: It is interesting, perhaps telling, that Blumenthal uses the word “credible” rather than truthful. Blumenthal, as Attorney General for two decades in Connecticut, is familiar with court jargon. He has himself argued cases before the U.S. Supreme Court. Testimony can be credible – that is, believable -- without being true, or in conformity with the architecture of facts. In a period of intense partisanship – welcome to the 21^st century – there are two kinds of credible or believable world views, Democrat and Republican. We should all bear in mind Otto von Bismarck’s observation: “People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war or before an election.” Supreme Court nominations since Democrats first borked Judge Robert Bork have been a combination of all three – hunt, war and election. Lies can be credible and believable; indeed, they fail most conspicuously when they are neither.

When Blumenthal says “I believe you” to Ford, he is asserting only his own certitude, not her’s. There is a problem. Certitude is a quality of propositions. Blumenthal is here imputing certainty to persons. He believes Ford because she is a woman accusing of improper behavior a man he does not wish to join the Court.

In his role as a U.S. Senator in the hearing proceeding, Blumenthal, as well as other partisan senators, is a juror. There can be no adequate defense against a charge viewed as true when a trier of fact, a jury, is willing to believe a charge because a testifier is a woman, whereas the accused is a man whose public reputation he wishes to despoil. Properly speaking, Kavanaugh, at the time the incident was alleged to have occurred more than thirty years earlier, was a boy in high school, and Ford was a girl in high school. Judges and jurors in trials know that evidence three decades old is perishable.

Here are some facts that were elicited during the hearing. 1) Blasey Ford did not report the incident to police at the time it had occurred, three decades before her senate testimony. Indeed, she initially spoke of the incident to no one; 2) at first reluctant to testify, she was pressed into service after having  been identified publicly by Democrat politicians familiar with her account, many of whom opposed the Kavanaugh nomination for political rather than jurisprudential reasons.  Kavanaugh was awarded the U.S. Bar Association's highest rating. We do not know whether Blumenthal was one of those who outed Blasey Ford; 3) three direct witnesses Blasey Ford identified as having been present when the molestation had occurred testified under oath that they could not support her charge. Senator Ted Cruz rang this point like a Liberty Bell when he said:

A fair-minded assessor of facts would then look to, “What else do we know when you have conflicting testimony?” Well we know that Dr. Ford identified three fact witnesses who she said observed what occurred. All three of those fact witnesses have stated on the record under penalty of perjury that they do not recall what she is alleging happening.

They have not only not — not corroborated her charges, they have explicitly refuted her charges.

A contemporary calendar in which Kavanaugh disclosed his associations and whereabouts showed that Blasey Ford’s timeline and accounts of Kavanaugh’s molestation could not have been factual. By the time Blumenthal questioned Kavanaugh, the case against him was already collapsing under the weight of elicited evidence, as the transcript indicates.

GRASSLEY: (OFF-MIKE) Senator Blumenthal.

BLUMENTHAL: Thanks, Mr. Chairman.

Good afternoon, Judge Kavanaugh. As a federal judge, you’re aware of the jury instruction falsus in — in unibus (sic), falsus in omnibus, are you not? You’re aware of that jury instruction?

KAVANAUGH: Yes, I’m — I am.

BLUMENTHAL: You know what it means?

KAVANAUGH: You can translate it for me, senator. You can do it better than I can.

BLUMENTHAL: False in one thing, false in everything. Meaning in jury instructions that we — some of us as prosecutors have heard many times, is — told the jury that they can disbelieve a witness if they find them to be false in one thing.

So the core of why we’re here today really is credibility. Let me talk…

The jury instruction cited by Blumenthal apparently did not apply to Blasey Ford.

KAVANAUGH: But (ph) the core of why we’re here is an allegation for which the four witnesses present have all said it didn’t happen.

This was nervy of the judge under scrutiny, and Blumenthal quickly changed gears, so he thought.

BLUMENTHAL: Let me ask you about Renate Dolphin who lives in Connecticut. She thought these yearbook statements were, quote, “Horrible, hurtful and simply untrue.” end quote, because Renate Alumnus clearly implied some boast of sexual conquest. And that’s the reason that you apologized to her, correct?

KAVANAUGH: That’s false, speaking about the yearbook and she — she said she and I never had any sexual interaction. So your question…

BLUMENTHAL: But…

There can be no “but.” The woman cited by Blumenthal denied the planted imputation that Kavanaugh had had questionable sex with her. Kavanaugh rose to her defense, genuinely angrily.

KAVANAUGH: … your question is false and I’ve addressed that in the opening statement. And so, your question is based on a false premise and really does great harm to her. I don’t know why you’re bringing this up, frankly, doing great harm to her. By even bringing her name up here is really unfortunate.

BLUMENTHAL: Well, calling someone an alumnus in that way, was actually interpreted…

KAVANAUGH: Well, implying what you’re implying what you’re implying about…

BLUMENTHAL: … by a number of your football friends at the time of boasting of sexual conquest. That’s the reason that I’m bringing it up. And it conflicts…

KAVANAUGH: Yes. No, it’s false.

BLUMENTHAL: … with…

KAVANAUGH: You’re implying that. Look what you’re bringing up right now about her. Look what you’re doing.

BLUMENTHAL: … Mr. Chairman, I ask that…

KAVANAUGH: Don’t bring her name up.

Blumenthal raised a point of order. Kavanaugh’s objections were answers, or an unsuccessful attempt at gallantry, not interruptions.

BLUMENTHAL: … these interruptions not be subtracted from my time.

GRASSLEY: Very well (ph). Ask your question and then let…

KAVANAUGH: She’s a great person. She’s always been a great person. We never had any sexual interaction. By bringing this up, you’re just — just dragging her through the mud. It’s just unnecessary.

GRASSLEY: Proceed, Senator Blumenthal (ph).

BLUMENTHAL: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

You’ve made reference, judge, to a sworn statement I believe by Mark Judge to the committee. Is that correct?

KAVANAUGH: I made reference to what Mark Judge’s lawyer sent to the committee.

BLUMENTHAL: You know (ph), it’s not a sworn statement, is it?

KAVANAUGH: It would — under penalty of felony.

BLUMENTHAL: Well, it’s a statement signed by his lawyer, Barbara Van Gelder. It is six cursory and conclusory sentences. Are you saying that that is a substitute for an investigation by the FBI or some interview by the FBI under oath?

KAVANAUGH: Under penalty of felony, he said that this kind of event didn’t happen and that I never did or would have done something like that. And…

BLUMENTHAL: As a federal judge, you always want the best evidence don’t you?

Here the interrogatory descends into self-destructive irony. The best evidence had all along supported Kavanaugh’s sworn testimony.

KAVANAUGH: … Senator, he has said and all the witnesses present — look at Ms. Keyser’s statement, she’s

BLUMENTHAL: Let me…

KAVANAUGH: Dr. Ford’s longtime friend… who denied Ford’s testimony that she was present when the alleged molestation had occurred. Better run away.

BLUMENTHAL: … let me move on to another topic. You’ve testified to this committee this morning — this afternoon, quote, “This whole two-week effort has been a calculated and orchestrated political hit, fueled with apparent pent-up anger about President Trump and the 2016 election, fear that has been unfairly stoked about my judicial record, revenge on behalf of the Clintons and millions of dollars in money from outside left-wing opposition groups.”

Is it your testimony that the motivation of the courageous woman who sat where you did just a short time ago was revenge on behalf of a left-wing conspiracy or the Clintons?

KAVANAUGH: Senator, I said in my opening statement that she preferred confidentially. And her confidentially was — was destroyed by the actions of this committee.

Run away.

BLUMENTHAL: Let me ask you this, in a speech that you gave at Yale you — you described, quote, “Falling out of the bus onto the front steps of the Yale Law School at 4:45 a.m.” and…

KAVANAUGH: I wasn’t…

BLUMENTHAL: … then…

KAVANAUGH: … I wasn’t describing me. I organized…

BLUMENTHAL: … trying to…

KAVANAUGH: … Senator. Senator, let me finish, please. I organized a third-year end of school party for 30 of my classmates to rent a bus to go to Fenway Park in Boston, which was about a three-hour trip.

I bought all the tickets. You and I have discussed that before. I bought all the baseball tickets. I rented the bus. I organized the whole trip.

We went to Fenway Park. Roger Clemens was pitching for the Red Sox. We had a great time. George Brett was playing third base for the Royals — actually, he was playing left field that night. And he — and we went to the game, and got back, and then we went out. It was a great night of friendship.

BLUMENTHAL: I — I apologize for interrupting, judge, but I need to finish the quote before I ask you the question…

KAVANAUGH: I wasn’t talking about…

BLUMENTHAL: … The quote ends…

GRASSLEY: OK, we’ll let (ph)…

BLUMENTHAL: … the quote ends that you tried to, quote, “piece things back together,” end quote, to recall what happened that night. Meaning…

KAVANAUGH: I know what happened.

BLUMENTHAL: … Well, you…

GRASSLEY: Judge, let — will you quickly answer your question? And then I’m going to let him answer you…

KAVANAUGH: I know what — I know what happened that night.

BLUMENTHAL: I’ll finish asking my question…

GRASSLEY: Please, go ahead…

BLUMENTHAL: … your honor (ph).

GRASSLEY: … but do it quickly.

BLUMENTHAL: Doesn’t that imply to you that you had to piece things back together, you had to ask others what happened that night?

KAVANAUGH: No, it…

GRASSLEY: OK. You — you take your time now and answer the question.

KAVANAUGH: … Yes.

GRASSLEY: And then, Senator Crapo.

KAVANAUGH: Definitely not. I know exactly what happened that night. It was a great night of fun. I was so happy that — it was great camaraderie. Everyone looks back fondly on the trip to Fenway Park. And then we went out together, a group of classmates. And I know exactly what happened the whole night. And I’m happy.

And here comes the kitchen sink.

BLUMENTHAL: Judge, do you — do you believe Anita Hill?

GRASSLEY: Senator — Senator Crapo.

GRAHAM?: (OFF-MIKE) Time is up (ph). Your time is up (ph)…

God bless the clock. Barrett is due to be interrogated -- likely mauled by mostly male Democrats -- by Kavanaugh's interrogators this Tuesday and Wednesday, after having on Monday recorded and carved out their posturings for use in the upcoming elections. 

 

Barrett v. Blumenthal, Day One

It has been said of U.S. Senator Dick Blumenthal that there is no more dangerous place in Connecticut than the space between him and a television camera. On the day after Judge Amy Barrett’s first appearance before the U.S. Senate, Blumenthal’s picture appeared twice in a Hartford paper. He was prominently featured in both an AP story, “Barrett makes case as next justice on the Supreme Court,” and a separate Connecticut story, “Blumenthal says fate of Obamacare is on the line.”

Blumenthal is used to receiving gushingly favorable press in his home state. So, no surprise there.

The first day of Barrett’s testimony was not devoted to the questioning of the nominee by senators. Barrett briefly addressed the assembled senators, after which the senators addressed Barrett, sitting mutely before them, looking somewhat like a pillar of salt wearing a medical mask. The interrogatories occurred on Tuesday and Wednesday. What is the real purpose, some may wonder, of this awkward preamble to the hearing?

Barrett, perhaps anticipating hostile questioning from Democrats, was permitted to make an initial statement, in the course of which she said, according to the AP story, that Americans “deserve an independent Supreme Court that interprets our Constitution and laws as they are written.” And the senators were permitted to make statements – political pitches, really, to their separate constituencies  that later may be carved out and presented to voters in campaign clips before their upcoming elections, which have already commenced.

As quoted by the reporter in the Hartford paper, Blumenthal’s message was: “Your nomination” – the senator, full of an unbending resolve, was speaking directly to the pillar of salt – “is about the Republican goal of repealing the Affordable Care Act, the Obamacare they seem to detest so much.”

Blumenthal has not yet told us how a single likely Supreme Court Justice would be able to “repeal” -- be it noted, a legislative term -- an act passed by Congress. Supreme Court Justices should not be in the business of re-writing congressional bills, the exclusive province of the legislature. This was a point made by all sitting Associate Justices during their separate appearances before the senators on the Judiciary Committee, not only originalist members of the court. The point Barrett stressed in her opening statement, emphasised by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg during her own testimony,  was that justices of the high court should say whether laws are or are not constitutional and leave the legislative repair work to such as Blumenthal, whose detestation of originalism and originalist justices was barely concealed .

Perhaps Blumenthal did not hear her statement because he was anxious to present a political point before the November elections in his own state.

The point he did manage to make was apparently lost on reporters in Connecticut, which was this: Democrats, who believe the U.S. Constitution is a document that should be altered – some would say deformed -- by high court decisions, want justices to act as the spear points in a progressive remaking of the very nature of constitutional governance.

Indeed, that is why Barrett, whose ambition is far more humble, has been singled out by Blumenthal and other progressive saboteurs as a menace. She was treated as such by Blumenthal, who refused to meet with her prior to her hearing, a discourtesy unusual even for Blumenthal. The snub heard round Connecticut is mentioned in Connecticut Commentary.

In the meantime, Democrats such as Connecticut’s sainted Senator From Planned Parenthood, Dick Blumenthal, who denied Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett the courtesy of a private meeting before her anticipated auto de fa, are busy strewing faggots at her feet and will not be satisfied with anything less than a public humiliation, followed by a public burning. The nation’s shameless mainstream media will help light the Democrat’s Senate Judiciary Hearing pyre. Barrett, don’t you know, is a member of a Christian “cult”, a Catholic charismatic movement warmly embraced by papists such as Pope Francis and all the bishops in Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro’s Catholic Church.

The message to Catholics could not be plainer: It’s OK for Pentecostals to acknowledge the workings of the Holy Spirit in human history, but not Catholics.  It’s OK for Catholics to honor saints such as Francis and Aquinas, but to aspire to be like either is cultism. 

At the last moment, Democrats apparently decided not to claw Barrett’s Catholicism during their hearing. The pawing, Democrat senators decided, should be sufficiently subtle, not embarrassingly overt. It is not good manners, but rather political considerations that had persuaded Democrats to paw rather than claw.

 Blumenthal v. Barrett, Day Two

U.S. Senator Dick Blumenthal, before interrogating Supreme Court nominee Amy Barrett on day two of the U.S. Senate Judiciary Hearings, laid before Barrett, according to a story in The Hill, a non-negotiable demand.

“Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), The Hill reported, “on Monday urged Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett to recuse herself from any case involving the election that comes before the Supreme Court, as Democrats prepare to push her for such a commitment as part of her confirmation hearings.”

In a prepared remark, Blumenthal intoned, “Your participation, let me be very blunt, in any case involving Donald Trump's election would immediately do explosive, enduring harm to the court's legitimacy and to your own credibility. You must recuse yourself. The American people are afraid and they're angry, and for good reason. It's a break the glass moment."

The quotable Blumenthal was at one time an editor of the Harvard Crimson, and his brief stint as a reporter armed with explosive adjectives shows. Euphemistic detonations of this kind, wholly inappropriate for a U.S. Senator attempting to gage the suitability of a possible associate justice to the high court, had been frequently deployed by Blumenthal during his twenty years stint as Connecticut’s Attorney General, and they had always played well in his state’s left of center media.

Blumenthal has not said precisely how he took the measure of the American people’s fear at the prospect of Barrett’s elevation to the court. Could the fear he feared not be a projection on the American people – all of them? – of his own somewhat frantic and fantastic misgivings? Barrett’s past record of decisions on a circuit court has not resulted in explosions or enduring harm to judicial probity, and none of Barrett’s decisions have discredited her high American Bar association rating.

Blumenthal did not demand the recusal of the other two justices seated on the Supreme Court who were also nominated by President Donald Trump should the legitimacy of the coming election be referred to the high court.

If the Blumenthal principle were to apply equitably to Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, any decision made by the court likely would favor Democrat presidential contestant Joe Biden, a bosom pal of both Blumenthal and Hillary Clinton, still wincing from her presidential defeat in 2016; we see here the hidden scorpion’s stinger in Blumenthal’s demand.

The Senator From Planned Parenthood has not said, nor has he been asked, what sanctions he will apply to Barrett should she, maintaining her political independence, as befits a Supreme Court Associate Justice, refuse to bow under the lash to Blumenthal’s will. Will Blumenthal-Schumer-Feinstein-Pelosi move for impeachment, a sanction, most would agree, that has lost its puissance as a threat, having been much overused by Democrats seeking to impeach Trump before his four year term as President is affirmed or repudiated by voters at the polls?

All Blumenthal’s threats were blunt arrows. Barrett is not made of inimitable stuff, and she is a brilliant jurist. When a Republican interrogator asked her on the second day of her testimony to show senators and the public the reference documentation she had before her as an aid to answering complex legal questions, she laughingly held up an empty note pad.

Democrat senators, always with a compassionate critical edge in their voices, were making political points. To a person, they painted a gruesome picture of what would happen after Republicans and their court jesters had been successful in killing Obamacare and its various iterations, hoping perhaps the resulting conversation would tailspin into a political discussion concerning the benefits of what really amounts to universal healthcare, a government run operation that would drive up medical prices in the long run, ration health care and put out of business insurance companies clustered in Blumenthal’s Connecticut, once the insurance capital of the world.

Barrett deftly avoided the trap by reminding legislators that Supreme Court Justices were not in the business of settling partisan political disputes among legislators, though she put the point in polite judicialese. As her predecessors had done in previous judicial appointment hearings, Barrett told the trap-baiters that she could not both render just decisions from the bench and prejudice such decisions by answering questions on hot button issues – abortion and gun control have long been two of Blumenthal’s staple campaign subjects – that she would be called upon in the future to consider.

At the end of a long day, Barrett appeared unflustered; nearly every commentator, on the left or the right, seemed certain that Barrett would be confirmed; and although there is one day yet for Democrats to pull a rabbit out of their hats, Barrett seemed serene and refreshed. Her life has prepared her well against the ravages of quick witted students, rambunctious children and senators in campaign heat . At the end of his own dispiriting interrogation, Blumenthal’s hands were visibly shaking, not, one hopes, with suppressed indignation or some affliction as yet unnoticed by his hometown media.

 

Blumenthal v. Barrett, Day Three, “I won’t do that!”

A lede in a story covering Senator Dick Blumenthal’s second day questioning of Supreme Court nominee Judge Amy Barrett correctly reports that the senator “spent most of his allotted half hour Tuesday questioning Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett about her support for an organization that says life begins at fertilization and on her controversial dissent in a gun case.”

At the beginning of his questioning, Blumenthal assured Barrett that her Catholic faith was not on the senate’s chopping block. But it was. Blumenthal is a master of insinuation, and pro-abortion-at-any-stage-of-pregnancy-Democrats such as Blumenthal, a regulator-in-chief Attorney General in Connecticut who unaccountably has opposed all and every attempt to regulate the abortion industry, is clearly combative in the presence of Catholics. The anti-Barrett forces, who are legion, have feverishly questioned Barrett’s association with a Catholic group regarded as a cult by many progressive ascendant elements in the Democrat Party.

Blumenthal has not been questioned closely concerning his own associations with extreme groups on the left. And, of course, there are in the country some fervent anti-Catholics who believe – half a century after historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., the author of more than 20 books and President John Kennedy’s biographer, told us that anti-Catholicism is the oldest prejudice in the United States – that Catholics are programmatically incapable of permitting their First Amendment constitutional religious rights to be discarded by revolutionary progressives.

Blumenthal, not always reckless, who can speak with the tongue of an angelic lawyer, knows that he must tread softly in a state heavily populated by Catholics of all races – second wave Irish, heavily persecuted in post-potato-famine days, second wave Italians from the poorer sections of Italy, Hispanics seeking shelter from atheist, pro-socialist communists in Latin America, and Greek Orthodox Catholics fleeing the sword of Islam, most of whom still cling faithfully to their bibles and, not surprisingly, to their guns.

Not everyone in Connecticut is a Harvard graduate who has overcome the Catholic dogma that sings loudly within them. And not everyone in Blumenthal’s home state, Connecticut, trusts that the police, whom progressive Democrats want to defund, will arrive in a timely manner on their doorsteps after they have been called for assistance. In Connecticut, every attempt to cage Second Amendment rights after a horrific and murderous assault – the fatal attack by two parolees on the wife and two children of Dr. William Pettit, now a state senator, comes to mind – causes gun sales in the state to spike sharply.

On the very last day of her public testimony before the Judiciary Committee, Blumenthal prepared a cunning trap for Barrett. He asked her to affirm or “grade precedents” in three prior Supreme Court cases, 1) Brown v. Board of Education, 2) Loving v. Virginia, and 3) Griswold v. Connecticut. In 1) the court ruled that that racial segregation in public schools was unconstitutional, in 2) that laws banning interracial marriage were unconstitutional, and in 3) that the purchase and use by married couples of contraceptives  without government restriction was protected by the constitution.

Barrett responded that Brown and Loving had been correctly decided. She was willing to say so on this occasion because what she had said “in print, either my scholarly work or in judicial opinions is fair game,” and she had in the past said that Brown had been correctly decided. However, she declined in the case of Griswold to “grade precedents,” that is to give a “thumbs up or down” to rulings she had not commented on-- for the best of reasons: the canon of judicial ethics forbade her from doing so. Blumenthal, for 20 years the Attorney General of Connecticut, knew that he was asking Barrett to violate a judicial Canon; never-the-less, he pressed on, pulling out all the emotional stops.

“Every time you ask me a question about whether [or not] a question was correctly decided,” Barrett responded, “I cannot answer that question because I cannot suggest agreement or disagreement with precedents of the Supreme Court. All of those precedents bind me now as a Seventh Circuit judge and were I to be confirmed I would be responsible for applying the law of stare decisis to all of them.”

Blumenthal asked the judge “to think of how she would feel as a gay or lesbian American ‘to hear that you can’t answer whether the government can make it a crime for them to have that relationship, whether the government can enable people who are happily married to continue that relationship,” at which point “Barrett pushed back, saying the senator was implying she would cast a vote to overrule Obergefell [ v. Hodges],” a case in which the high court found that same-sex couples had a constitutional right to marry.

Her personal feelings, she had said dozens of times during her testimony, cannot and would not be permitted to color her prospective decisions on the court. Defendants and plaintiffs in every court in the land expect judges to apply the law and the Constitution to their decisions – not their personal feelings.

“I’m not even expressing a view in disagreement of Obergefell,” Barrett told Blumenthal, stepping nimbly and properly around a snare that would have impaired her objective decisions in future cases. “You’re pushing me to try to violate the judicial Canons of ethics and to offer advisory opinions and I won’t do that.”

Canons of judicial ethics, of course, mean nothing to former state attorneys general on the hunt for votes during elections. “People never lie so much,” said a refreshingly honest Otto von Bismarck, “as after a hunt, during a war or before an election.”

Early in his interrogation, Blumenthal promised his victim that the front door would be closed to anti-Catholic prejudice. In the end, the back door was flung wide open, and all the snot-nosed devils in Hell rushed through it.

Blumenthal’s Last Stand

The title of the news report was, “Sen. Richard Blumenthal makes last-ditch effort to delay Amy Coney Barrett’s nomination to the Supreme Court, but Republicans prevail on party-line vote.”

Blumenthal’s last stand occurred following the termination of the Senate public hearing convened to pass on Amy Coney Barrett’s fitness to serve on the U.S. Supreme Court. Barrett’s elevation to the high court is a virtual certainty, since Democrats in the Senate do not have the votes to block her admission to the court.

Unlike Custer’s last stand, Blumenthal’s occurred on an empty battlefield. And Barrett, who already had been through Blumenthal’s drill, certainly will not respond publicly in the pages of Connecticut papers to issues Blumenthal had previously raised in the public Senate hearing, exhaustively covered by the anti-Barrett media.

During her public hearing, Barrett was peppered with questions from Blumenthal and others that she wisely chose not to answer.

At one point during her public hearing, a polite and mild mannered Barrett, sensing the snare tightening around her ankle, told Blumenthal, “Every time you ask me a question about whether [or not] a question was correctly decided, I cannot answer that question, because I cannot suggest agreement or disagreement with precedents of the Supreme Court. All of those precedents bind me now as a Seventh Circuit judge and, were I to be confirmed, I would be responsible for applying the law of stare decisis to all of them.”

Blumenthal tightened the snare. He asked Barrett how she would feel as a gay or lesbian American “to hear that you can’t answer whether the government can make it a crime for them to have that relationship, whether the government can enable people who are happily married to continue that relationship,” at which point Barrett pushed back, saying the senator was implying she would cast a vote to overrule Obergefell [ v. Hodges],” a case in which the high court found that same-sex couples had a constitutional right to marry.

“I’m not even expressing a view in disagreement of Obergefell,” Barrett said, stepping nimbly and properly around a cheap trap that would have impaired her objective decisions in future cases. “You’re pushing me to try to violate the judicial Canons of ethics and to offer advisory opinions and I won’t do that.”

Blumenthal, having stoked the fires of resentment among gays, folded his tent and marched off the battlefield.

But he would live to fight another day -- when Barrett was not present to challenge his discreditable political tactics.

No recent nominee to the Supreme Court, originalist or not, has agreed to answer the kinds of questions put by Blumenthal to Barrett -- because in answering such speculative and hypothetical questions on abortion or gay rights as Barrett correctly refused to field, the prospective justice would not thereafter be free to decide such questions should he or she be elevated to the Supreme Court – very likely in Barrett’s case, much to Blumenthal’s chagrin.

There are highly relevant questions Connecticut’s deferential media has not and will not put to Blumenthal, a progressive white-hatter.

Blumenthal had said that Barrett, should she become an Associate Justice, must recuse herself from making decisions on the high court involving election laws because President Donald Trump, who had nominated her to the court, might become involved in suits concerning ballot impropriety. Put aside for the moment that recusal and presidential court nominations are wholly unrelated, an obvious question raises its horned head: Why didn't Blumenthal at the same time call for the recusal of two other Associate Justices nominated to the court by Trump, Brett Kavanagh and Neil Gorsuch, both male Associate Justices? Do we have here an example of senatorial white privilege – Bumenthal is a millionaire by marriage several times over – once again exercising patrimonial rights over a woman?  

The objections raised by Blumenthal against Barrett, all swirl around originalism -- a mode of Constitutional interpretation different in kind from conservatism, a political worldview and another of Blumenthal’s bugbears.

Blumenthal made use of the Barrett snares in his 2017 Gorsuch interrogatories. 

Here is a 2017 report from CTMirror on Blumenthal’s interrogation of Gorsuch:

On Griswold v. Connecticut, a 1965 decision that overturned the state’s ban on contraceptives for married couples and bolstered Americans’ right to privacy, Gorsuch said, “It has been repeatedly reaffirmed.”

Pressed by Blumenthal to give an opinion on the case, Gorsuch demurred.

“My personal views have nothing to do with my job as a judge,” he said.

On Eisenstadt v Baird, which established the right of unmarried people to possess contraceptives, Gorsuch said, “To say I agree or disagree with the United States Supreme Court as a judge is an act of hubris.”

“Precedent is more important than what I think, and my agreement or disagreement doesn’t add weight towards it,” Gorsuch said.

Gorsuch called  Loving v Virginia, which ruled that banning interracial marriage is unconstitutional, “a seminal, important vindication of the original meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.”

But he said little else.

“I’m drawing the same line that Justice (Ruth Bader) Ginsberg, (David) Souter and (Antonin) Scalia… Many, many people who have sat at this confirmation table and declined to offer their personal views on this or that precedent,” he said.

Of Lawrence v. Texas, which held the government can’t criminalize gay and lesbian relationships, Gorsuch said, “I’m going to give you the same answer every time.”

Blumenthal also failed to secure Gorsuch’s personal opinion on a couple of key abortion rights cases, Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey.

A frustrated Blumenthal told Gorsuch, “Your declining to be more direct leaves doubt in the minds of millions of Americans.”

But Gorsuch said it was important to hide his views.

“If I start suggesting that I prefer or not or like this or that precedent, I’m sending a signal, a ‘promise of preview,’ as Justice Ginsberg called it, about how I would rule in the future,” he said.

He said Blumenthal, and other senators, are grilling him on issues that are “very live with controversy, which is why you are asking about them.”

When Blumenthal questioned Barrett, he was simply retracing well-worn old ground.

It has rarely, if at all, been mentioned in stories on Blumenthal that Gorsuch, an originalist Associate Justice elevated to the high court by Trump, wrote the single most important Supreme Court decision on gays, a ruling that brings gays under the ironclad shield of the Constitution’s 14^th Amendment.

Why isn’t this telling but inconvenient datum mentioned in every story that displays Blumenthal’s always cleverly buried axiom that originalists appointed to the high court are bound by their originalism to issue decrees shoving gays back into the closet?

Why, to put the question in other terms, is Blumenthal consistently treated by Connecticut’s media with the solicitude one reserves for holy icons when, in fact, he has shown himself, time and again, to be a work-a-day progressive Democrat hack afflicted with an unquenchable lust for favorable publicity?